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Introduction

This paper seeks to demonstrate how the environmentally marginalized Indigenous community of Bunyoro has employed the clan system of totemism to culturally resist environmental destruction over time, and to contextualize this cultural, moral and ethical response to environmental destruction within the broader framework of decoloniality. Decoloniality reminds Global South scholars to theorize from local experiences, rethink the coloniality of power as well as the continued unfettered privilege extended to Western epistemology, which in turn accords the due dignity and respect to local realities (Mignolo, 2007: Quijano, 2000: Maldonado-Torres, 2007: Mamdani, 2011: Fanon, 1963, Chakrabarty, 2000). Such an analysis will enable us to rethink the British colonial state in Uganda that established the framework for the current state of environmental destruction, devastation, and extremities of climate change currently prevailing in the Bunyoro region (Doyle, 1998: Reid, 2017). 

 

This decolonial turn is a commendable step in terms of a geographical shift of reasoning-one that strips the Global North of its self-proclaimed monopoly on knowledge production around climate change mitigation measures. It follows Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s observation that decoloniality “addresses the epistemological questions of how colonial modernity interfered with African modes of knowing, social meaning-making, imagining, seeing and knowledge production, and their replacement with Eurocentric epistemologies that assumed the character of objective, scientific, neutral, universal and only truthful knowledges” (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2022: 6). Furthermore, decolonial lenses serve to contextualize the Bunyoro experience as a viable attempt to decolonize the environment from below within the broader discussion on the viability of African traditional alternatives as a cultural resistance against modernity, globalization and neo-liberal tendencies of privileging economic development over environmental sustainability. 

 

Through an ethnographic study of the efficacy and efficiency of clan totemism in mitigating climate change in Bunyoro, the paper follows in the footsteps of previous studies (Boehmer-Christiansen, 1999: Cummings etal.2017: Goldman, 2005) that view global responses to climate change as deeply rooted in Eurocentric assumptions on coloniality of power and knowledge (Amin, 1989). In my view, decolonization of the environment not only means to critically engage, interrogate, counter and resist epistemological models, solutions or scholarly interventions born of experiences of the Global North on environmental sustainability, but also prioritizes the cultural authenticity of Indigenous communities and their values, community knowledge and local realities.  The deployment of the decolonial discourse not only helps us transcend the myopic view that treats the environment as a mere physical infrastructure but allows us to avoid repeating theoretical interventions that are packaged as universal yet cannot apply to the local context. Therefore, my inquiry is primarily guided by the questions: How applicable is this particular Bunyoro intervention applicable to the general context of environmental sustainability? How do we historically link African identity with ecological balance? How are pre-colonial African traditional practices relevant to the prevailing 21st century environmental challenges? 

 

The Concept of Clan Totemism

Pre-colonial Bunyoro, like most societies across pre-colonial Africa, enjoyed a harmonious relationship between its people and nature (Kamugisha, 2018: 292). Scholars have documented the rich understanding Bunyoro enjoyed with the natural world (Doyle, 1998: Chaps.1-4).  It was a common belief among the Banyoro that the natural world was a reservoir of power and wealth, and thus called for careful and keen management (Doyle, 2006: 20). This was because Bunyoro was traditionally a pastoral community (Beattie,1960: Roscoe, 1923) with a livelihood thriving off nature which made its protection and conservation the backbone for the survival of the people, the economy and the entire society. This religious and cosmological relationship drove pre-colonial Bunyoro to respect the environment due to the belief that these physical features were inhabited by the gods, and any disrespect towards them would anger the gods (Ssentongo, 2012). Therefore, the noble collective responsibility to uphold this association with nature called for an environmental ethic that was ably vested in the clan system. 

 

A clan is a named group of people who believe themselves to be descended in one line from a common ancestor in the remote past. Members of the same clan usually had special obligations toward one another. As an ethnic community, the Bunyoro were structured along the clan system that strengthened social bonds and relations. John Beattie explains that “every Nyoro belongs to one of a number of exogamous, totemic clans, membership of which is acquired in the paternal line” (Beattie, 1923: 1). Clans were tasked to relate closely in harmony with nature through a system of totems. Beattie ably explains that: 

 

‘’Totemism usually refers to a ritual association between specific social groups in a society (usually clans) and specific animate or inanimate objects, which are called totems. Where (as in Bunyoro and elsewhere in Africa) members of totemic groups are required to respect and to avoid injuring the totemic species’’ (Beattie, 1960: 1)

 

Members of a given totem were barred from eating, killing, or destroying specific species. This harmonious relationship between mankind and nature in turn paved way for formulation and practice of an ideal environmental ethic. In his anthropological work on Bunyoro John Roscoe highlights examples of clans and their totems which include the Bachwezi clan whose members were prohibited from drinking colostrum, the Babiito clan whose primary role was to protect the Bushbuck, the Basengeya clan preserved rain-water, the Bawongo clan preserved running water, the Bagungu clan which preserved and spoke to Lake Mwitanzige (present-day Lake Albert) and its fish, the Banyapanka clan which protected the water bird, the Bafumambogo clan protected the buffalo (Roscoe, 1915: Chap.1) In essence, each clan was tasked with a responsibility closely related to the protection and preservation of nature, and these roles and responsibilities complemented each other. 

 

Viewed from a decolonial angle, a turn to the pre-colonial era in the prevailing circumstances speaks to Paul Houtondji’s argument on how pre-colonial indigenous knowledge has been abandoned in exchange for western epistemology in resolving issues locally.  Hountondji observes that “It is about the way that pre-colonial knowledge has been set aside, marginalized and deprived of its internal dynamism and power of self-regeneration and self-criticism, prevented from absorbing, assimilating and freely developing contributions from outside for its own benefit” (Hountondji, 1990). 

 

The Colonial Bunyoro

The Bunyoro region suffered the worst extremities of colonial violence between 1894-99 (Mamdani, 1976, 1983; Dunbar, 1965: Reid, 2017: Ingham, 1958: Karugiire, 1980, 1996). This was further compounded by Bunyoro’s brave resistance to the British colonial resistance under its heroic king Omukama Kabalega Chwa I (Nyakatura, 1973: Reid, 2017: Apuuli, 1994). As a punishment, Bunyoro was politically, geographically, and culturally emasculated in line with British imperialistic and political ambitions. This was in conformity with European colonialism whose focus broadly encapsulated economic, political, cultural and epistemological imperialism (Fanon, 1952, 1963: Ngugi,1986: Cabral, 1973: Mamdani, 2001: Said, 1978: Lindqvist, 1996: Hochschild, 2012, Mignolo, 2007). The British further destroyed Bunyoro’s administrative structure and disorganised the Babiito Royal Family (Kihumuuro, 1994). The Babiito clan had provided the kings of Bunyoro kingdom since 1500 A.D and by this action, Bunyoro had paid the ultimate price for colonial resistance. 

 

The destruction of the clan system was part of colonial administrative infrastructure. Mahmood Mamdani notes that ‘’The supremacy of the modern state, whether in its colonial or post-colonial form, is embedded in the claim that the powers of chiefship must override those of clanship’’ (Mamdani, 2013, 2). The colonial state preferred governing through despotic chiefs rather than the clan system that had served as a pillar of the community. This action thus paved way for the destruction of the clan system whose role had been instrumental in the preservation of the environment. This was a turnaround from what prevailed in pre-colonial Bunyoro whereby the people who inhabited the region were morally obligated and had a sense of duty to protect the natural resources for the benefit of their community. Shane Doyle observed that “Colonial rule had a detrimental effect on the Banyoro community's ability to manage their environment. The implementation of policies without local research or consultation resulted in the loss of their freedom to apply their valuable experience and knowledge of the local ecosystem” (2006: 116). The British colonial state completely ignored indigenous environmental practices and initiatives and later conceived and implemented several environmental policies alien to Bunyoro’s unusual conditions. 

 

The Bunyoro Cultural Resistance 

In response to the British colonial rule, a pre-dominantly Bunyoro pressure group named Mubende-Banyoro Committee (MBC) was formed in 1918 to bring the grievances of Bunyoro in the ‘Lost Counties’ before the Protectorate government and to campaign for their return to Bunyoro. (Dunbar, 1965: 133). Its tactical approach revolved around claims for cultural identity and protection of their natural resources. In 1960, petitioner Eribankya P.T, argued that:

‘’The stones, hills, mountains, valleys, hillocks, rivers, streams, trees, grass, the soil itself and even the winds of the air blow hard their horns that they belong to Bunyoro Kitara…Insects, birds and animals have locally been and are crying to be returned to their Motherland’’ (Peterson, 2015) 

 

The cultural resistance invoked age-old memories that defined Bunyoro’s dismantled tradition that celebrated the intricate relationship between humanity and nature. 

Historical studies conducted by scholars Kasozi A.B.K (2010) and Henry Ford Mirima (2008) argue that oil in Bunyoro region was discovered in the pre-colonial era. The British colonial state granted full exclusive rights to five oil companies (W. Brittle Bank, Chijoles Oil Ltd, Lord Drogheda Syndicate, Messrs Bird and Co. and Messrs E. S. Grogan and Co.) to conduct oil exploration activities on Lake Albert. However, none confirmed existence of oil in the region. 

However in June 2006, Hardman Resources Ltd (acquired by Tullow in 2007) made oil discoveries in the exploration blocks of Waraga 1, Waraga 2 and Mputa in Hoima District. Other exploration activities by Tullow alongside other oil companies led to major discoveries across the Albertine Graben, stretching from Block 5 that borders Sudan through Blocks 2 and 3 (Lake Albert basin) to Block 4 in the Lake Edward basin (Kiiza, 2011). In February 2007, the Kingfisher well in Block 3A was found to have 200 million barrels of confirmed oil. In March 2007, Heritage Oil Company announced the results of its scientific tests on the Kingfisher well. The three intervals that were tested (ranging between 2,260m and 2,367m) had resulted in an overall cumulative maximum flow rate of 13,893 barrels of oil per day. In August 2008, oil was discovered in the Kasamene well, with confirmed high flow rates. In December 2009, Heritage announced a large oil discovery at the Buffalo-Giraffe exploration field, which is 9,000 square kilometers in size. Uganda’s estimated petroleum reserve capacity is currently 6.5 billion barrels, of which 1.4 billion barrels are projected to be recoverable.

Whatever the economic benefits, this oil discovery has directly led to unprecedented environmental destruction (Mbabazi, Ukiwo & Langer, 2020: Ogwang, 2017: Nuwagaba & Lukamba-Muhiya, 2021). This has further distorted and marginalized the symbiotic and harmonious relationship between the Bunyoro ethnic community and nature. In response, the Bunyoro adopted cultural mitigation measures to combat the impact of these changes. 

 

Methodology

This study deployed a qualitative approach to data collection and analysis, including: Ethnography, archival study, interviews, focus group discussions, observations, and review of secondary literature. 

 

The study was carried out in the Bunyoro Kitara region which is situated in the mid-western regions of Uganda and is composed of 8 administrative districts, namely Hoima, Kibaale, Masindi, Buliisa, Kiryandongo, Kakumiro, Kikuube, and Kagadi. The total area of Bunyoro region occupies 7.7% of the total area of Uganda. The population of Bunyoro region as based on the estimations made by the 2014 Uganda National Population and Housing Census is between 1,800, 000 and 2,100,000 people living in 350,000-400,000 households. The districts of Hoima and Kikuube were purposively chosen out of the 8 districts given that they are home to the headquarters of the Bunyoro Kitara kingdom, home to a people who identify themselves as authentic indigenous Bunyoro and home to the biggest oil fields. They are also home to the biggest urban centers of Bunyoro region (most affected by rural urban migration), home to the natural forests of Bugoma, Budongo and Itohya Chimpanzee sanctuary which have undergone extensive deforestation, ethnic tension and finally the two districts will be utilized to provide land for the construction of the 1,443 kilometer East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) that runs from the Lake Albert oil fields to Tanga in Tanzania. 

 

For this study, key informant interviews and focus group discussions with clan leaders were conducted. Out of the 23 clans, 15 clan leaders were purposively sampled during data collection. By the end of the field study, a total of 120 respondents participated (42 interviews), focus group discussions (6 FGD’s), and group workshops organized by the researcher (6 Clan leaders in a workshop setting). The study also consulted secondary sources of data among which included textbooks, archival data, newspapers and journal articles. The thematic approach was employed to qualitatively analyze the generated data. 

 

Findings

The research found that the lived experiences of environmental destruction in Bunyoro region manifest in the changes registered in the rainfall patterns, extreme heat levels, severe storms, extreme cases of hailstorms, floods, longer phases of the dry season, the decreasing number of fish in Lake Albert, the unexplained reduction of earthworms and other soil organisms, disappearance of a rare fatty Nswa (white ants) that announce the genesis of rains, competition of humans and chimpanzees for drinking water as well as the unexplained explosion of wildfires. 

 

The cultural resistance measures of upholding the sacred nature of the environment as upheld under clan totemism enables preservation, protection, and promotion of the sustainable use of the environment of the natural resources. 

 

Being historical rainmakers, the Bachwezi clan members have led the struggle amidst economic changes to preserve and protect the environment. They have equally actively advocated against deforestation and have since pushed for afforestation programs in areas adversely affected by deforestation. A clan leader among the Bachwezi noted that: 

‘’As you know many Bunyoro people were killed during Kabalega’s war of resistance against the British. It’s their blood that decomposed and fossilized to give us the oil we have today. However, the same oil gifted to us by the blood and sweat of our own forefathers is being used to destroy our existence. This blood is calling us out to protect Bunyoro, its nature and its people’’ (Author interview)  

 

Their efforts to preserve nature have been vigorously supported by the Basengya clan-the historical preservers of rainwater who believe that forests play a crucial role in rainfall formation. The Bafumambogo clan members whose other totem is the Nsenene (grasshopper) raised a concern pointing at the delayed appearance of grasshoppers that normally signify an end to the September-November rains and the beginning of the December-January dry season. Grasshoppers that normally appear at the beginning of November delayed their appearance till the early days of December-a sign that points at the appalling effects of climate change. The clan leader of the Basengya told me that:

 ‘’the delayed appearance of grasshoppers is a prophecy of doom to my clan. What will happen to us when they stop appearing?’’ (Author interview) 

The Bawongo clan members whose other totem is running water, have taken the lead to preserve, protect and promote the sanctity of Rivers Nkusi, Wambabya and Kikonko waterfalls. A clan leader among the Basengya observes that:

‘’Water is like blood. Once blood is flowing freely, the body is alive and once it stops, death follows. The same with water…once water is flowing, mankind and nature is bound to flourish. Once water stops flowing, Bunyoro will perish. Us the Basengya can’t sit back and watch on, despite the economic benefits oil may bring us. Survival of Bunyoro is supreme’’(author interview)

 

Additionally, the study established that knowledge of the indigenous community history is critical to climate change adaptation and preservation. This was evidenced among the Bagungu and Banyakibiro people who inhabit the areas that surround Lake Albert who believe that the responsibility to protect the lake locally known as ‘’Mwitanzige” (the one that kills locusts) was passed on from generation to generation since the days of the Bachwezi dynasty that governed Bunyoro Kitara empire over a thousand years ago. They pride themselves in the capacity to communicate with the lake, and thus its destruction through oil exploration and mining is a great blow to their identity. An elder and clan leader among the Banyakibiro noted that:

‘’15-20 years ago, it was possible to talk and listen to our fish. The fish would equally speak and listen to us. Today, it’s impossible to either talk or listen to our own fish. It must be extinct by now. We must return to our cultural roots to fight this oil thing that has depleted our very own.’’(author interview)

These cultural resistance measures embedded within the clan system are crucial to the fight against climate change in Bunyoro, as the community is obliged culturally to abide by the customary rules to protect the sanctity and sacredness of nature. 

Conclusion

This study demonstrates how the environmentally marginalized Indigenous community of Bunyoro has employed the clan system of totemism to culturally resist environmental destruction over time and how this cultural, moral and ethical response to environmental destruction is situated within the broader framework of decoloniality. As a region, it has witnessed extensive environmental destruction due to the impacts wrought by colonialism, neo-liberalism as well as the prevailing context of natural resource extractivism of fossil fuels. In event of this, the paper interrogates the efficacy and efficiency of the clan system that has been utilized as a device overtime to resist the destruction of natural infrastructure. The study not only reveals that the people of the region have suffered adversely from the oil mining activities but also that they have turned to their clans for means of adapting and surviving the adverse impacts presented by the oil discovery. Among these strategies are the advocacy for afforestation, re-afforestation, the cultural bridging of rivers, and petitions which are deeply embedded in the local knowledge systems and are derived out of local realities and experiences as passed on from the pre-colonial era.